Searcher of possibilities
About the development of German-Jewish children's media during the 1920ies and 1930ies.
Children growing up in Germany around the turn of the 20th century did so during a period of secularization. For many Jewish children, too, their faith felt foreign. However, as anti-Semitic voices grew louder, it became necessary for many who were ostracized to consciously engage with their Jewish roots. A vibrant Jewish children’s culture was intended to help introduce children to Jewish traditions in a playful way, strengthen their self-confidence, and offer them perspectives for their future. The exhibition asks: Who promoted the development of Jewish children’s media, what content did they convey, and how were they received by Jewish children?
The exhibition is based on research conducted as part of a dissertation project by Julia Schweisthal (LMU Munich). A central foundation is the Cohen Collection, acquired by the LMU Munich University Library, whose holdings offer a unique insight into the diversity of Jewish children’s media of the time. Together, these sources open up new perspectives on the origins, content, and reception of Jewish children’s culture in the early 20th century.
Exhibition highlights
Every era has its own particular interests and brings forth its own particular books.Erwin Loewe, 1937
A ban on images?
The idea that images help foster a sense of identity and are therefore suitable for use in education, was not always taken for granted in Judaism. The biblical prohibition of images had been directed at the Egyptian veneration of images as idols, rejecting the worship of these objects as idolatry. Within Jewish canonical thought this had long since led to a general scepticism towards all forms of image. However, the insights brought forth by both developmental psychology and progressive education were also encouraging Jewish circles to modernise their understanding of childhood. As a result, children's media were either adapted to appeal more to children, or were created anew.
For everything so far proffered as Jewish youth literature has been nothing but a compilation, collocation, replication and reshuffle of material already long in existence.Emil Bernhard Cohn, 1927
Challenges
Efforts to strengthen the sense of Jewish identity were plagued by questions and uncertainties. Was the intention really to create media specially for “their” children, thus creating a schism between themselves and the greater part of society? What should define a Jewish book? What subjects should be addressed? Would the potential target audience, which was in any case likely to be small, even be interested? How best could the appropriate creative artists be recruited for the project?
Moreover, there were a number of sometimes strongly conflicting internal Jewish currents, presenting Judaism as an all-encompassing faith, open to either a traditional or liberal interpretation, and in the form of either a tradition-based or an ethnic community.
It was only in the 1930s, under the influence of severe political repression, that these internal Jewish currents united around the common goal of offering the upcoming generation psychological and existential security.
“The children experience what is happening, and say nothing, yet at night they moan in their sleep, awaken and stare into the darkness, for they can no longer rely on the world. They once had a friend, a friend as natural as sunlight, but now this friend suddenly looks back at them like a stranger, the corners of his mouth turned down in mockery as he asks: Did you imagine I cared about you? [...] Teach your children Jewish values, shape their lives according to Jewish principles – but do not expect that this alone will suffice. You must begin with yourselves [...]. It is up to us to restore to our children the certainty that they can rely on the world once more”. (Martin Buber, 1933)
The path to achieving this objective remained a constant process of negotiation, as shown by efforts to define a consistent learning goal for Jewish schools: While most German Jews had hitherto considered themselves to be “German citizens of Jewish faith”, by 1934 the focus had shifted to education as “the dual experience [...] of German and Jewish identity”. In 1937 this learning goal was again readjusted to place “Jewish identity at the heart of the entire educational spectrum”.
Ask not after the country for which we educate our children. For Palestine, if this indeed may be; for a foreign country, if we are compelled to choose it. For Germany, if any are willing to remain here. It is one view, one goal, one education.Martin Buber, 1933
It is an encouraging sign that in the century of the child, special attention is also given to the Jewish child.Review, 1920
Nothing remains more firmly anchored in the memory than the experiences of the small child at play. If we wish adults to cherish their Jewish identity, we must let our children play as Jewish children.Willy Cohn, 1927
Our Jewish identity can only be a burden until we learn to be proud of it.Bertha Pappenheimer, undated
Education forms pictures in our heads, and we ourselves in turn transform those pictures into real objects in the material world.Martin Buber, 1933
Anyone with a serious interest in Hebrew as a living language has no choice but to begin with the playing of games.Jechiel Lichtenstein, 1930
9/ Palestine - travel destination or land of emigration?
Games depict actions. Clear rules help players understand and strengthen principles through repetition, something travel games illustrate particularly well. In the 1920s Palestine was presented as a tourist goal in games featuring both historical and contemporary sites.
Adele Sandler's 1921 game begins in Jaffa harbour, where players discover a multicultural land of Jewish markets and agricultural colonies together with Arab territories to the east of the Jordan river. Correct answers to knowledge-based questions allow the player to advance on the board. Religious sites such as Rachel's tomb are brought to the fore. The final goal of the game is to travel back aboard the ship “Zion” von Rosh Pinah. The players take away from the game “travel impressions”: the beauty, progressive nature and diversity of Eretz Israel. The game challenges at least one stereotype: that of Palestine as an empty land waiting to be cultivated by Jewish settlers. In the 1930s Palestine was no longer merely a destination for visiting tourists. It had become both a refuge and the most important emigration destination. The travel game “Alijah”by KKL (1935) simulates the emigration route to Palestine. The players begin in the KKL office in Meineckestrasse 10 in Berlin, where they receive migration papers before embarking on the many stages of their arduous journey.
Play is not mere playfulness. It is highly serious and deeply meaningful.Friedrich Fröbel, undated
10/ ( Explicit) contemporary references
Rabbis such as Joachim Prinz or Max Nussbaum remember how biblical stories were imbued with a new layer of meaning under the impact of exclusion, caprice and repression. The seemingly hopeless struggle of the Maccabees at Hanukkah, or the foiling of Haman's plot to annihilate the Jews, commemorated in the festival of Purim, became symbols for a resolute Judaism and unwavering faith.
What was conveyed by the synagogues in easily understandable form through the medium of Midrash verses, could, in the 1920s, still be openly expressed in literature. Contemporary parallels are unmistakeable in the Purim theatre (1925), aimed at children between six and twelve: the Persian setting is reminiscent of the city of Berlin; Haman voices anti-Semitic prejudices all too familiar to Jewish children of the time; he is exposed by Mordechai and ultimately overthrown with Esther's help. The play ends with an act of educationally mindful attenuation; following the stage directions, Haman is not actually hanged, but ends up as a puppet suspended by a string from the finger of the narrator.
In the 1930s there was no choice but to read what could only be hinted at between the lines. “Spatz macht sich” (Sparrow makes her way) by Meta Samson (1894 Berlin–1942 Auschwitz) is a striking example.
This children's book became known as one of the last Jewish publications. It was still allowed to be printed in 1938 but was not permitted to be sold. Jewish press reviews recognised the considerable potential of the novel, whose author had succeeded in painting a sensitive and realistic portrait of an adolescent Jewish girl in the Berlin of the late 1930s. However, it was not explained why the father was absent, why the mother struggled in a precarious job, why with each move the apartments kept getting smaller, and why siblings and friends were emigrating.
Those who live under a dictatorship speak a peculiar language – their words must be understood by their audience, while the meaning, the intention and the true significance of what they are saying all remain shrouded to the censorship authorities and other controlling institutions.Herbert Freeden, 1986
11. The Role of Libraries and Reading Rooms
In the 1930s, Jewish libraries and reading halls adopted a role of considerable importance: they became places of refuge and took on an invaluable social function. However, a close look at library catalogues reveals that children's literature was severely under-represented, and new titles in this field could rarely be acquired. Library holdings were largely generated through book donations and the merging of smaller library collections, while the acquisition of newer literature remained challenging.
In any case, libraries could only be maintained in areas where significant numbers of Jewish readers were to be expected.
Local community organisations such as the Preußischer Landesverband jüdischer Gemeinden (PLV), or associations like the Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens (CV) or the Reichsausschuss der jüdischen Jugendverbände (RJJ) organised travelling libraries to provide support for small and medium-sized communities.
The PLV started in 1935 with a collection of 950 works, each title purchased in a set of 2,500 copies. A book box consisted of 100 titles, which were sent out on loan to each community for an average of three to four months. Readers were explicitly encouraged to submit requests for particular books. Books for children and young people were apparently in high demand, since work on an annotated selection list of such titles was already under way in 1936. The intention was to compile a list of 300 works, arranged by reading age. The response was so positive, that the number of subscribing districts had almost doubled by 1938, and books were also being sent to the Hakhshara training centres in which emigrants were being prepared for life in Palestine. An attempt was also made to address the lack of suitable children's and young people's literature in the travelling libraries of the CV (from 1935) and RJJ (from 1937), with a particular focus on youth movements.
A surviving set of user statistics from the CV travelling library provides a fascinating insight across various regional associations: school children and apprentices were the main users, with fluctuations in the loan statistics caused not least by emigration and by readers requesting titles which did not explicitly reference Jewish content.
If the Jewish educational institution is the only one available, then those it serves will feel restricted if only Jewish educational content is offered (...).Erich Guttmann, 1938, (Foreword to “Bücher für die jüdische Jugend”)
12/ (Jewish) dolls
Dolls have always been popular children's toys. Käthe Kruse became particularly well known for her dolls after winning a competition in 1910 for “Handmade toys” run by the Jewish department store Tietz. Her fabric dolls were praised for their natural appearance and soon became famous.
Dolls reflect the era of their creation, and this is also true of Käthe Kruse dolls, some of which were also produced in the 1930s wearing the uniforms of the Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM) and Hitlerjugend (HJ). It should therefore come as no surprise that Jewish communities began to express a desire for specifically Jewish dolls.
The “everyday” dolls produced by the young doll-maker Edith Samuel (1907 Essen–1948 Rischon LeZion) were not designed explicitly as Jewish dolls, but as the daughter of Essen's rabbi Salomon Samuel the artist soon began to reflect the traits of the people around her in her designs, resulting in dolls primarily depicting Jewish children.
During the 1930s in particular, Edith Samuel was well known in Germany for her child dolls. For many, these portrait dolls became cherished companions in dark times.
Little Marion and Little Ulla
Two dolls in the hands of their young owners, a gift dating from 1934. Sisters Marion and Ulla Freyer packed their dolls when they emigrated with their parents to Baltimore, Maryland, in 1939, and these remained their close confidantes throughout their lives.
The reality and reliability of the world depend on the fact that not only do the things surrounding us have greater permanence than the activities leading to their creation, but also that this permanence may well outlast the lives of their creators.Hannah Arendt, 1994
A qualitative assessment
Any attempt to assign rigid categories to German-Jewish children's media from the first three decades of the 20th century is doomed to failure. Historical records are fragmented and difficult to evaluate in statistical form. In any case, a merely numerical analysis would hardly seem adequate to the task. It is rather the well-documented individual cases, such as Marion's lifelong attachment to “Little Marion” or Shalom Ben-Chorin's recollection that a book of Jewish fairy-tales had opened his eyes to the world of Judaism, that offer a truly deep insight. They reveal that for some – indeed hopefully for many – children the visions of the Jewish educators and artists around them did indeed come to fruition.